It will be necessary to do more than enlist the private efforts of employers in their own plants, however, in order to solve the problem of unemployment in any complete way. In the first place, our cities can help greatly, and in a twofold way. All public work requiring a large percentage of labor can be held off every year until-that time in the year when the average manufacturer’s business is slack. Such an expedient will tend to iron out the yearly seasonal wave of unemployment. There are also the waves of panic years which strike us with disheartening regularity every ten years or so. As provision against these a special reserve fund can be built up to be spent upon the erection of needed public work in times of severe business depression.
The Federal Government should do its part also in sharing this burden. In 1921, for instance, it has been estimated that $158,000,000 of National funds were available for road building. Appropriations for Federal buildings, rivers and harbors, post offices, etc., could be held down to the minimum for several years, and then be expanded with safety when periods of stress threaten. Combating unemployment by these methods is nothing new. So long ago as in 1913 the International Conference on Unemployment adopted the following recommendations:
1. That public works be distributed, as far as possible. in such a way that they may be undertaken in dull seasons or during industrial depression.
2. That budget laws be revised to facilitate the accumulation of reserve funds for this purpose.
3. That permanent institutions be created to study the symptoms of depression in order to advise the authorities when to initiate the reserved work.
4. That such work as land reclamation and improvement of the means of communication, which would tend to increase the permanent demand for labor, be especially undertaken.
5. That, in order to secure the fullest benefits from the reserved work, contracts should be awarded, not as Units, but separately for each trade.
There remains to be mentioned one more vital way of warding off unemployment. That is the adoption by States of compulsory unemployment insurance; Just how such a plan would be worked out is beyond the scope of this article, but it is fair to say that various workable plans have been suggested, in particular a very carefully considered one by the American Association for Labor Legislation. The main points of this plan include the taking out of insurance by the employer, all details as to rates of disbursement, amount of premiums, and the like to be under the supervision of a State board on which would sit representatives of the State, employers, and employees. In addition there would be established by the State at important centers of population governmental employment agencies so that the freest possible interchange between employer and employee would exist. There are many other important features of the plan. but the simplest way to characterize it as a whole is to say that in its own field it would operate much as the workmen’s compensation laws now operate to cut down the number and severity of accidents.
The opponents of such a plan are numerous, including a majority of employers and, curiously enough, Mr. Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor. It is Mr. Gompers’s opinion that such insurance will make pensioners out of unemployed laborers, that in hard times it will create a class who will look upon the State as a huge charitable agency, and that this attitude will gradually break down the keenness and aggressiveness for which union labor has been so well known in the past. This argument seems beside the point if we conceive the plan in mind, not as an effort of the State to dole out charitable payments in time of stress, but as a working, every-day buffer against the irregularities of employment, the whole burden of which will rest upon industry itself. It is no more a “charitable” act for a worker out of employment to accept unemployment insurance than for the same worker to accept accident insurance when he breaks his leg. In either case the worker is insured against the calamitous effects of not being able to work through no fault of his own, and the bill for this insurance is paid by that particular company which is, to some extent, responsible for the worker’s unemployment.
Of course the chief objectors to this plan will be among the employers. Their first comment undoubtedly is that it adds one more burden to overhead expense. This is the same objection that was made during the fight for workmen’s accident laws, and, in fact, for almost any laws that appear to add to the cost of doing business, no matter how salutary their effect in other ways may be. It is a selfish objection-but, more than that, it is a weak objection, for it is not true. The enactment of this law in focusing the attention of employers upon methods to combat unemployment (and thus cut down the amount of their insurance premiums) would undoubtedly have the same effect upon unemployment as a similar law has had upon accidents. It would diminish unemployment, and diminished unemployment would mean stabilized industry, more even production, and thus freer opportunities to increase business profits.
These are some of the ways by which the problem of unemployment can be effectively attacked, not only during the depressing days of bad times, but during every day of any year. With the exception of the plan for unemployment insurance and regular grants by the Federal Government, they are all ways tried before, and tried for the most part with success. There can be no lasting results. however, unless our efforts remain persistent. We have diagnosed the disease. What we must do now is to apply the antidote.
Source: Outlook, 6 September 1922